Northern State – Vast stretches of northern Sudan now sit atop a “powder keg,” residents say, as at least three loosely-aligned militias tighten their grip on trade routes, goldfields and even police stations. Locals accuse influential businessmen and security officials of bank-rolling the groups in return for political muscle and protection rackets.
Who are the militias?
- Awlad Qamri – the most visible force along the Shariān al-Shamāl highway from Dongola to Wadi Halfa. Eye-witnesses describe convoys of pick-ups bristling with heavy weapons. Once petty smugglers, members now claim they fight with the SAF’s 19th Division intelligence, yet they still run drugs, arms and people across the Egyptian and Libyan borders.
- Awlad Azhari – a faction allegedly bank-rolled by a National Congress Party–linked tycoon who, sources say, spent about US $3 million on arms and combat vehicles. Fighters brand themselves “Popular Resistance,” but answer to their financier rather than any formal commander.
- Awlad Shazli – a smaller outfit that, together with the two above, brings the militia head-count to an estimated 10,000 gunmen, many with criminal records for smuggling, narcotics and armed robbery.
Who backs these militias?
| Militia | Declared / Observed Allegiance | What that means in practice |
|---|---|---|
| Awlad Qamri | Say they coordinate with General al-Burhan’s forces (SAF) 19th Division intelligence. | Function as de-facto SAF auxiliaries while continuing smuggling and extortion. |
| Awlad Azhari | Financed by an Islamist businessman tied to the former National Congress Party (NCP); presented as “Popular Resistance” in support of SAF. | Political cover from ex-regime networks; operate independently of formal SAF command. |
| Awlad Shazli & allied “Shield/Northern Shield” units | Part of the wider Popular Resistance camp mobilised by SAF and former-regime Islamists after the April 2023 war began. | Recruited and lightly armed by SAF officers; active on Sudan-Egypt-Libya smuggling corridors. |
All three forces are pro-SAF and anti-RSF. They brand themselves as local self-defence units, yet operate as SAF auxiliaries protected by SAF intelligence and Islamist power-brokers—and they pursue lucrative criminal rackets on the side.
Gold, guns and a fatal mine shoot-out
Northern State’s artisanal gold boom has made the militias rich. They extort mine owners for “protection” and escort smugglers across the desert. In April 2025, gunmen from Awlad Qamri opened fire on informal miners at the Turkman site, 80 km south of Wadi Halfa, killing one and briefly detaining several others. Police never questioned the assailants, fuelling suspicions of official cover.
Security now erodes even inside towns once considered Sudan’s safest. On 14 July 2025, unknown gunmen attacked the police post in Gadār, Dongola, killing Constable Mohamed Osman Ambash and wounding three others; the attackers escaped.
Officials privately acknowledge an “alarming security vacuum,” warning that Northern State could slide into a Darfur-style conflict if weapons remain uncontrolled.
The influx of armed men has emboldened hate speech against thousands of gold-field labourers from western Sudan. Activists call the combination of easy guns and ethnic incitement a “time-bomb.”
Everyday extortion
Shop-owners along Shariān al-Shamāl say Awlad Qamri now levies cash “protection fees.” Residents of Karma al-Nazil complain that uniformed men openly sell narcotics in a local café while police look away.
With no disarmament plan, Northern State risks becoming Sudan’s next front. Residents are urging authorities to dismantle the militias and stem the arms trade before the region tips into full-scale conflict.
Reporting by Duroob; additional verification by The Sudan Times open-source research.
